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Motels.

One of the things I noticed upon arriving to Puerto Rico is the abundance of motels lining the old main roads. "MOTEL BAMBU" and "MOTEL OK" signs line the road as one traverses to and from the Metropolitan Area. At first I brushed them off as motel motels (ya know; the U.S. equivalent of a one story cheap room and shower for truckers and travelers). But no. I was wrong. "Motels" in Puerto Rico are private rooms, often without windows or formal accommodations, which are rented out cheaply to couples to provide a safe, quiet location for sex. The rooms often come with an enclosed garage to protect your vehicle's identity.

"I think I know why there are so many motels here in Puerto Rico" said my college friend Johanna. Johanna was also a fellow Puerto Rican who was raised in the states and had moved back to the island around the same time I did. "Everybody lives with their aunts, mothers, and grandparents, so whenever they want to have sex with their boyfriends or jevos, they have to escape off to motels."

As the years passed by the subject would come up in conversation. It seems like everybody had gone to one. "I've tried them all.," said one friend. "The cheap ones with no sheets and the expensive ones with hot tubs". "Half of the island was probably procreated in one of those things," another friend joked. I once had a female friend who would escape to a motel with her sex buddy to "pretend" that they were formal lovers for the entire day. "We would lay in the hot tub, lie in the bed, and watch some television."

I just had the following conversation with a friend of mine earlier today:

"You ever been to a motel?"
"Yea. Why?"
"Just to know. Why did you go to a motel?"
"To fuck."
"And you didn't wanna bother family, or something?"
"I didn't have a place to fuck. So... I went."
"How much did you pay?"
"She paid. $35."
"Both live with family?"
"Yea. I went more to do something new, though."

And another:

"You ever go to a motel?"
"Yea."
"Why? No place to go?"
"No. It's fun. Super fun. It's like an adventure. Nothing's wrong with them."

And with a female friend:

"You ever go to a motel with any of your boyfriends?"
"No. Why? I almost did, but found other places to do it instead. Did the cat thing once or twice. The beach house of a friend's parents in Isla Verde helped too. Thought about it, but me da cosa hygiene and stuff."

A co-worker once told me that "if you drive past one of these motels on secretary day, you'll see people lined up outside to get in. Sometimes they'll cover their faces when cars pass so that nobody will recognize them."

Today's issue of Primera Hora published a cover story on motels. While finding humor in reading it my secretary came in. I quickly jumped and changed the page as fast as I could, for I did not feel very comfortable having someone walk in on me while reading a newspaper with a photo of a crude motel room. Ironically, the next page was a large diagram of one of the hotel's "love machines" with quotes from interviewed citizens. Further embarrassed, I turned to the newspaper's mid-page, which was littered with that bank claim small print that nobody ever reads. If she didn't catch me the first time, she must have noticed when she saw me reading pages of bank numbers.

Fortuño received much criticism from the PPD shortly after announcing his proposed government reform plan. After promising to reduce public expenses by $1.2 billion, the Management and Budget Office Director (Primera Hora), Governor Acevedo Vila (El Nuevo Dia), and Senate Minority Speaker Jose Luis Dalmau (El Nuevo Dia) all criticized about how such cuts would be brought about through privatization. Dalmau claims that Fortuño's "real intentions are privatization". Ironically, Fortuños proposed budget cuts roughly equal the estimated deficit that will be present in Acevedo Vila's budget. By stating that Fortuños plan is impossible without layoffs, service reductions, and especially privatizations, they are simply admitting the failure of their own budget. The current administration has not only drastically reduced and priced up public services, but it has failed to eliminate the deficit and chip away at the public debt.

The most hypocritical thing, is that at this very moment the current administration is privatizing $150 million in public lands (Caribbean Business) and a public highway (El Vocero). There exists pending proposals to private the Lottery for $500 million and sell $2 billion in uncollected citizen tax debt for 1/4 its price (El Vocero). The later is the most infuriating thing I've ever heard: the government charges us x amount of dollars, simply to keep 1/4 of it and let private banks keep the other 3/4. Is it not the responsibility of the treasury department in the first place to charge its citizens taxes?

Even House Minority Speaker Representative Hector Ferrer stated in El Vocero that the PPD and PNP proposals are the same shit.

Yesterday evening at the Economic Assistance Office at my University:

Me: "Hello. I'm curious to know if you guys have any economic assistance available for the June courses."
Woman: "No. We just ran out. But I recommend that you come tomorrow since we always have students who cancel courses last minute. Come early."

This morning via telephone (since I was working "early"):

<<After hearing the phone ring for about 5 minutes (I put it on speaker and do my thing)>>
Man: "Hello?"
Me: "Is this the Economic Assistance Office?"
Man: "No. This is the Admissions Office?"
Me: "Oh. Well I dialed the Economic Assistance extension. Is there any way you can transfer me to them?"
Man: <<click>>
<<After about 5 more minutes I had to hang up to attend an issue>>

Ten minutes later:

<<After 5 minutes of ringing>>
Slurry man: "Gkhello?"
Me: "Yes. Is this the Economic Assistance Office?"
Man: "No. Thish ish the Managhement and Regisghtration Office"
Me: "Well I keep dialing the Economic Assistance Office and it rings and rings until someone from aonther office picks up."
Man: "Well, gkhow can I help you?"
Me: "Well, yesterday I went to the Economic Assistance Office in search of economic assistance my June courses but was told that all the assistance had already been given out. I was told to check back today just in case some students canceled their courses last minute."
Man: "Shhure. Just let me jot down your social security, name, and pghone number and I'll call you back."

<<After never receiving a call and numerous unsuccessful attempts at getting thourh on the phone I decide to visit the Economic Assistance Office in person after work>>

Me: <explains story to a fat gay black man behind the counter>
Fat gay black man: "Sorry buddy. There is no assistance left."
Me: "Is there any chance that some might arrise during the day?"
Fatty: "No"

<<I decide to step outside the office and call the Slurry man to see why he never called me back. After having to ask a secretary in another office for Slurry man's extension I finally got through>>

Me: <explains story to slurry man, in hopes that he will remember me> "I never received a call back>
Man: "Oh yea. I remember. We called your house and left a message about how much you owe."
Me: "But that's not what I wanted to know. I wanted to know if there was any assistance left."
Man: "Oh yea, that's right. Um. No. There's no assistance left. It's all used up."
Me: "Did any students cancel last minute?"
Man: "Oh yea. They did."
Me: "So there *was* assistance, but it was gobbled up quickly, right?"
Man: "Yes."
Me: "Well. When I called in the morning... was there assistance available?"
Man: "Umm" (obviously knowing where I'm going, as I insinuate that due to his slack I missed my chances for economic assistance.) "Umm.. hold on". <<2 minutes later>> "Ok. Yea. There's only $45 left for economic assistance."
Me: "Well. Where do I get it?"
Man: "At the Economic Assistance Office."
Me: <<click>>

I step back into the office and this time avoid fatty gay guy and instead opt to wait for the same woman who tended to me yesterday.

Me: <explains all of the above> "I'm pretty much confused because you told me that there was going to be assistance, that fat gay guy over there told me that there was no funds left, and that guy in the Management Office told me there were $45.
Woman: <<steps into an office and talks with who appears to be a superior, returns to her computer, and types in a few numbers.>> "Ok. Your all set. I just credited $365 to your account."

Fucking amazing. I'm still trying to break all of this down and process it. It's as if our bureaucracies are stuffed with money but the tree must be shaken in order for fruit to fall. After evaluating the situation I've established the following inter-personal hurdles that are set up in Puerto Rican - and Latin American - bureaucratic organizations. As Director of a government agency I have seen these practices first hand:

1) Upon your first request for information you are simply told to come back later or talk to somebody else. This is an attempt to "shake you off" in hopes that you will never come back. Interestingly enough, most Puerto Ricans don't return. "Forget that!" they think to themselves as they continue along their way.

2) If you return, they will simply deny you the information. Funds are gone, the information does not exist, or there is no way your going to get it. This is another attempt to shake you off. No in-debt effort is invested to tend to your need and a superficial assessment of needs will come up negative in order to get rid of you. By coming back you are "annoying" and should be denied the request.

3) By coming back a third time, you have finally established that you will continue to pester them until they serve your need. By doing so they finally come to the conclusion that helping you will get rid of you. They give you what you need and hope to never see you again.

I have always complained that the PPD is a right wing party and often beats the PNP at being the most conservative of the two. Though both Rossello and Acevedo Vila believe in things such as privatization and market subsidies, Rossello believes in universal health and education. Rossello also has suggested the passing of a constitutional amendment which guarantees a right to health. Ironically, such amendments were removed from the Puerto Rican Constitution when it was approved by the U.S. Congress.

It was only a week ago that Rossello said that "the Popular Party is much more conservative [than the PNP], both in its program and its form of governing." Rossello concluded in an interview with El Vocero (5/9, p. 5) that the PNP is "much more liberal". Ironic how such words have to come from the PNP and not from the lone voices of the PPD like Senator Eudaldo Baez Galib.

I had much hope for the Comunidades Especiales program when it was initiated almost a decade ago by former Governor Sila Calderon. The project had aims to empower poor and disadvantaged communities by allowing them to create formal resident juntas who in turn would coordinate with the Comunidades Especiales agency to decide which projects are a priority for the residents. The agency would then carry out the project.

Unfortunately the program has been a widespread failure for a number of reasons. First of all, Calderon initially received criticism from her opponents for the large Comunidades Especiales signs that were posted up next to all of the communities, which allegedly labeled communities and identified them as the poorest of the poor. Second, like any other government agency the Comunidades Especiales office was sluggish, bureaucratic, and found it difficult to follow up on projects with community leaders. Third, as the bureaucratic process dragged on projects would suffer downsizing, initiatives would have to be scrapped for cheaper ones, and in many instances the community would be left without any project at all. After almost a decade of the program's founding it was only until recently that the agency's director announced that funds had been assigned for all of the program's 742 projects, after downsizing a number, of course (El Vocero 4/29/08).

Throughout the previous years I have studied in depth popular organization during revolutions and times of chaos. During the absence of a central government communities have traditionally organized themselves in a sporadic form and have taken control of their own communities in an attempt to fill the power vacuums. Spain had its juntas, Russia its soviets, and the U.S. had its town square meetings, and so on. Thomas Jefferson referred to them as "small republics". The sporadic nature, efficiency, and democratic potential of such a phenomenon had always impressed me and since exposed to the subject have been trying to find ways to incorporate it into modern public policy.

With the intention of increasing the permanency and democratic tenancies of the Comunidades Especiales I have devised the following reforms:

I. Make every community a Comunidad Especial. The power to communicate directly between a junta and the government should be something that every community enjoys despite their economic standing. Also, it would be beneficial for every community to adopt a standard method of legitimizing its community organizations.

II. Allow the community's junta to carry out their project directly. As long as the project is carried out by the state it will be inefficient, slow, and costly. Hanging a check over to the community junta, giving them the space to execute the project directly, and then submitting them to an audit process will render more projects with less funds and much quicker as well.

II. Assign a portion of the annual budget to the community. Give them a remesa of sort. This will assure an active community and will relieve the state of much of its responsibilities.

These reforms, I believe, will convert the communities of Puerto Rico into authentic mechanisms of self-governance.

Very dope.

I feel the same about Anibal Acevedo Vila winning as I do Luis Fortuño. The only difference between the two is found solely in the bureaucrats that they stuff into their agencies. Either way, bureaucrats are bureaucrats and overall policy would remain the same no matter which of the two wins. Both are monga; lacking the charisma of their party's predecessors; both have traditionally been moderates and content with the status quo in terms of the status debate; and both share similar macroeconomic and fiscal platforms.

Both prescribe to supply-side economics (reaganomics), hailing reimbursement and tax cuts as the ideal way to stimulate the economy; both wish to drastically cut back public services in the name of fiscal integrity; and most importantly both believe in privatization. Though a lot quieter than previous Governors, Acevedo Vila has been busy with his plans to sell public assets on the private market. Fortuño hasn't said a peep, for he's totally in accordance with Acevedo Vila's moves. There exists no real alternatives in November's elections for styles of managing public assets.

The April 10, 2008 issue of Caribbean Business reported the state's wish to sell lots in Minillas Industrial Park, the Wyndham Río Mar Hotel vicinity, Fernández Juncos Avenue, the formal National Guard Armory on Roosevelt Avenue in Hato Rey, the National Guard property in Puerta de Tierra, the former Leprocomio, Las Cumbres Ward, and the Ruíz Soler Hospital vicinity, and historic Old San Juan's Cruz Street. Total sales are estimated to amount to $150 million. Such sales are meant to "balance the budget", as stated by the Vice President of the Government Development Bank. Budget deficits are cured by structural reform and not temporary privatization. I ask what the state plans on doing when it runs out of real estate to sell.

Yesterday's issue of El Vocero reported the Governor's wish to privatize a portion of the PR-22 highway. I am totally opposed to such forms of privatization. I think it is much more viable and democratic to pass such lands to their respective communities so that their resident boards may decide the best use for such. I personally would prefer for the properties to be bulldozed and their lots re-forested instead of converting them into yet another bank, condo, or parking lot. Such lands are traditionally sold much cheaper than they are truly worth and open the door for acts of corruption and favoritism (read "Contracting Blues").

I also oppose such private-public partnerships such as the privatization of the PR-22 highway, which was likened to the Moscoso Bridge project by the Governor. Such projects allow for private corporations' costs to be subsidized by the public sector either int he form of cheap land, incentives, shared expenses, or subsidies. These private sector "partnerships" also provide a cheap (or free) ride on the back of the state's power of eminent domain. The shitty jobs, low wages, and whatever is left over after tax incentives is simply not worth the trade. I understand that it is in the nature of a private company to seek profit and that such entities operate much more efficiently than the state, but I oppose lucrative private profits for the few subsidized by the property and wealth of the collective.

I must say that this is one of the darkest eras within the history of the PPD. As a delegate of the party I am deeply hurt and upset over the occurrences of yesterday's general assembly. I have never been so displeased with the party and have been sucked of the little motivation I had left of winning the 2008 elections.

I have never been sympathetic towards Governor Acevedo Vila. When Hernandez Mayoral resigned his candidacy in the 2004 elections I was quite upset when Acevedo Vila was named his successor. For the last two decades the PPD has floated off into the seas of colonial conservatism with Acevedo Vila simply representing a continuation of the party's gravitation towards the political center. Hernandez Mayoral represented a possible shift back to the more progressive politics of the PPD's past in comparison to the center Victoria Muñoz, Hector Luis Acevedo, and Sila Calderon.

Acevedo Vila was the most conservative of the two and during his career has demonstrated that he is controlled by the grandes intereses (including the federal government, which I've always considered part of those interests.) My vote for Acevedo Vila in 2004 was simply an anti-Rossello vote, for if the PNP candidate would have been anybody else I would not have preferred to turn in a blank ballot. In fact, for Resident Commissioner I voted for the PIP's Edwin Irizzary instead of the PPD's Roberto Prats, who much like Acevedo Vila has traditionally been a pro-colony conservative. Acevedo Vila has done little to distinguish himself from the estadolibrista crowd. Acevedo Vila's autonomista talk was nowhere to be seen during the pivazo ordeal or the Filiberto Ojeda operation. It wasn't until Acevedo Vila was himself targeted by a federal investigation that he began calling for autonomy. El Nuevo Dia published an article yesterday outlining the contradictions in Acevedo Vila's anti-federal tone. (UPDATE: El Neuvo Dia's 4/29/08 edition notes that the recent federal arrests of Education employees was actually requested by the Anibal's Secretary of Education. This further demonstrates the contradiction within the administration concerning its recent anti-federal stance.)

I am dumbfounded at how some PPD still wish for Acevedo Vila to remain the party's 2008 candidate. After winning the previous election with 4,000 votes and only through a court's ruling, Acevedo Vila has not done one single thing since taking office that could have won him votes. The pivazo ordeal angered the PIP and enforced PNP claims of PPD indenpendentismo; the sudden raises in public utility prices and cut backs in public services has poked at even the most faithful followers; The PPD leadership's muting of inner-party ideological debate (from Willie to Baez Galib and even Sila Mari) has isolated the party's diverse; the federal investigation has obviously had its political damage; and yesterday's activity has further upset those who would have voted against Acevedo Vila if his candidacy was to be put to a delegate vote. The most I can say is that I will not be voting for him in November.

Ironically, the PPD knows this. The few that have supported Acevedo Vila's candidacy prior to yesterday's assembly would say things like, "it's better to loose with dignity" (El Nuevo Dia, 4/26). Others have said that Acevedo Vila's campaign funding practices are "what everybody else does" and that "at least it's not public money in question." There is a consensus that we will loose. I believe that our leaders simply wish to portray unity believing that division could cause long term damage. Unfortunately, enough damage has already been done by Acevedo Vila and his stubborn insistence in maintaining his candidacy.

Yesterday's activity was such a blunt manipulative move that a day after I am still distraught. Avecedo Vila resorted to a public "voice" vote instead of a secret vote. This forum was attended by 12,000 party followers, of which 4,200 are actual voting delegates (El Nuevo Dia, 4/28). Such tactics have been used by Fidel Castro and Rossello to assure their total dominance of party machinery. Upon arriving to the scene a fellow delegate told me via telephone, "this is fixed, this is fixed." If the measure were to have gone to a secret vote, surly Acevedo Vila would have lost. It is the Mayors that choose their Municipalities' delegates and considering the fact that 29 of the 36 PPD Mayors called for Acevedo Vila's resignation of the 2008 candidacy (El Nuevo Dia, 4/26), it is obvious that this group would have obtained a majority of votes.

Representative Javier Garcia Gaban has acknowledged that it was impossible for any members of the party to present their doubts to the assembly. "In these types of assemblies, feelings and emotions - instead of responsibility - dominate. If the president is agile, then he can manipulate and control the assemblies." The Representative stated that his PPD Caucus - including minority speaker Hector Ferrer - told the Governor not to run. Even the Association of Non-Mayor Municipal Presidents and the vast majority of PPD Mayors agreed that Acevedo Vila should drop out the race (El Nuevo Dia, 4/28). Fortuño stated today that Acevedo Vila had "manipulated" the assembly (El Nuevo Dia, 4/28). Unfortunately, he is right.

FAJARDO - Los alcaldes populares pidieron anoche a Aníbal Acevedo Vilá que renuncie a su candidatura a la gobernación, lo que deja al Mandatario sin el poderoso apoyo del liderato que mueve a la mayoría de la militancia de la Pava, confirmaron fuentes de El Nuevo Día.

La propuesta de la Asociación de Alcaldes consiste en que Acevedo Vilá abandone su aspiración, a cambio de que los miembros de ese organismo recauden los fondos necesarios para su defensa legal. La oferta incluye recaudar el dinero antes del verano. El Nuevo Dia

It's amazing when a political party has to pay $2,000,000 in exchange for their President to step down.

George Dawson Flinter, former Venezuelan elitist who left the country after it gained its independence had relocated to Puerto Rico where he later wrote a book titled "An Account of the Present State of the Island of Porto Rico." His description of the rural peasants was quite entertaining:

Riding out one afternoon... I was overtaken by one of those sudden showers of rain... I fled for shelter to the nearest house, which happened to be the cottage of a poor Xivaro... He was coiled up in a hammock of such small dimensions, that his body was actually doubled in two; one foot rested ont he ground, with which he propelled the hammock to and fro; and at intervals with his great toe he turned a large sweet potato, which was roasting on a few embers, placed on a flag on the ground close to him, and which no doubt was intended for his evening meal. He had a guitar in his hand, from which he produced sounds which appeared to me discordant, but seemed to please him exceedingly. On my entrance he turned on his side, and offered me the hammock, which of course I refused to accept. Two small children, perfectly naked, were swinging to and from in another small hammock, and greedily devouring large roasted plantains.

Chillin'!

"Terrorist" is a word easily thrown around by Americans. I know because while living in the U.S. for the majority of my childhood and teenage years "terrorism" was a term easily slapped onto Timothy McVeigh, Osama Bin Laden, and other renown bad guys. The term is fiercely negative and people take offense when you refer to U.S. foreign policy or politicians as "terrorist". "Harboring terrorists" is a term often applied to those countries who don't feel as strongly on the issue as mainstream Americans. "So you prefer the terrorists!?" asks a pro-War American upon hearing that I disagree with the war in Iraq.

Violence as a means to achieve political aim or express one self is perceived much more liberally in Puerto Rico. For example, the vast majority, if not all of Americans would quickly call Timothy McVeigh a terrorist, even if they sympathized for his motives. Terrorist/freedom fighter Filiberto Ojeda, on the other hand, is quickly hailed as a misunderstood freedom fighter by possibly the vast majority of Puerto Ricans. (There were 106 photos of Filiberto Ojeda on Flickr as opposed to 47 of Pedro Rossello.) Not only are logos of his terrorist organization freely adorned on car bumpers, baseball caps, and murals in public housing complexes, but rarely are his violent actions scorned. We must remember that Ojeda lived many years as a fugitive, being sheltered by neighbors and common citizens. Many who demonize Ojeda do so not because of his violent tactics, but because of his motives for Puerto Rican independence. Aggressive pro-Statehooders who kick down signs, burst through government office doorways, and punch police officers are often hailed by the same movement that criticizes Ojeda.

My grandfather used to tell me about the days that he was in elementary school. "They would make us sing the school's hymn everyday. Me and my friends used to mock it by singing, "escuelita escuelita, voy a plantar una bombita" or "little school, little school, I'm going to plant a little bomb". He chuckled about the subject. It's not rare to hear a frustrated person exclaim something along the lines of "Dammit! If it was up to me I'd just blow up that building!" One ex-nationalist once told me, "If you gotta' plant a bomb, than you gotta plant a bomb."

People often joke about terrorist attacks, bombs, and Arab terrorists. One of the Taliban, Jose Padilla is referred to as the "Puerto Rican Taliban" in headlines, as if the media were proud of him, overlooking the fact that he was born and raised in the U.S. (Interestingly enough, as of the current moment his wikipedia entry mentions nothing about his Puerto Rican background.) One pro-independence radio host was introduced by a co-host as, "the guy who always dresses in black, since he's clandestine." Recently it was uncovered that a renown archbishop had met with - and apparently befriended - Ojeda prior to his death. (It would be unthinkable of Pat Richardson, for example, meeting with someone of the likes of Timothy McVeigh.) We are all familiar with the popularity of Liberation Theory in Latin America, where religious figures would align themselves with revolutionary movements. During the recent anniversary of the bogotazo uprising in Colombia, a panel of representatives from all of Puerto Rico's ideologies chuckled, "we need one of those over here."

Every year pro-independence activists and leftists gather at the annual Grito de Lares fest where open calls for violence are frequent and posters and t-shirts with "terrorists" are sold in public. Many streets in Puerto Rico are adorned with names, murals, or statues for Albizu Campos, one of the most notorious and most wanted terrorists sought by the U.S. during the early 20th century.

I really don't know where I'm going with all of this, but I do believe that it is an interesting observation. Violence and the defining separation between a "freedom fighter" and "terrorist" are obviously boundaries set up by culture. It's interesting to see how such concepts can clash in a system such as Puerto Rico's where one set of standards is subjugated by another set of standards (in this case, the federal government.) The general attitude is that Americans need to "calm down" and just "chill out". Much ruckus was caused when anti-Navy Vieques protesters were blacklisted on the U.S. terrorist list.

Yesterday El Vocero reported on the Health Reform program's projected $394 million deficit. The article also reported that for every 1,000 additional participants the program enrolls it needs an extra $1 million. Currently the program covers 1.4 million persons (out of a total population of 4 million) and at once served as much as 1.5 million in 2005-2006. For those of you unfamiliar with Puerto Rico's Health Reform project, it is simply nothing more than the government paying citizen's private health coverage. Allegedly as a fusion of socially-conscious public health and quality-conscious private health, the program has generated an operations deficit since it began in 1993.

The Health Reform is wack. Using the above numbers I am estimating that the program costs about $1.4 billion to run each year (out of a total budget of approximately $12 billion). This means that since the program was initiated, the state has invested a total of $21 billion in simply subsidizing the purchase of private health insurance coverage! The thought that $21 billion dollars was handed over to private health insurers is simply disappointing. If the program were to be cut tomorrow than the island would be back to square one, considering that fact that none of this money is spent on infrastructure, training, preventive health care, and other things that can have long-term effect. Do you know many hospitals, ambulances, and potential doctors can be built and trained with $1.4 billion a year?

The health industry is one of the local issues that most agitates me. Those of the medical profession are members of a sort of privileged class, protected by government regulations and even subsidized by public funds. Private companies pull in billions a year while riding on the back of government spending. Our population is pumped with drugs, put to bed with pills, and tranquilized with sedatives. Doctors offices and hospitals resemble factories, where clients are treated as produce - in and out - in the quickest amount of time possible. I'm sure I don't have to mention much more, for I'm positive that the vast majority of you have seen the movie Sicko.

My concept of an ideal health system is one where a citizen can simply walk into a hospital without having to worry about insurance papers and receive top quality service. As much as the country is criticized, Cuba has succeeded in mounting such a system. Though bureaucracy and economic hardships have brought about a lack of equipment and supplies, Cubans enjoy a health coverage unimaginable in the rest of the Third World. The concept of call-in doctors or medical personal assigned to specific neighborhoods (preferably the one they reside in) is an idea that I think very highly of.

Personally, I feel that all should be done to saturate the market with as many doctors as possible. Students expressing an interest in the health profession should be scooped up from a young age and streamlined through semesters, providing them free education in exchange for a guarantee to work (with pay, of course) in the public health sector for a set amount of years. The military does this, why can't the state? I really don't see why health officials cannot go to a high school, ask how many students want to be doctors, and as their hands go up scoop 'em away into some sort of military-style health academy.

Even if the "quality" of our doctors were to "go down", I'd see no problem with this considering the fact that the vast majority of doctors use very little of what they were taught in school and often limit their work to referring citizens to specialists, writing prescriptions, and referring to medical encyclopedias. (You wonder what they do when they disappear behind the door, they are simply referring to the same health catalogs that you can buy off ebay.)

I hold strong regards for the private market, the invisible hand of capitalism, and supply and demand mechanisms, but the health of the populace is something that I don't feel should be in the hands of the private sector. The private sector is one driven by profit and not by humanitarian needs. Health is one of the few "industries" that I believe need to be jealously guarded under the protection of the public sector. I doubt that a lack of incentive for people to study medicine would occur, for this incentive in the first place used to be limited to people who could afford the $120,000 student loan needed to study it.

El Nuevo Dia reports that PPD Hormigueros Mayor Pedro Garcia joined the Mayor of Guanica and Representative Charlie Hernandez in denouncing the Democratic primaries in Puerto Rico. One more for the bunch.

One week ago: "Their names are added to my ever growing list of leftist and autonomist PPD. (I actually keep tabs on these things simply to remember who to reward and who to punish when it comes to voting time.)"

A wave of anti-American feeling and autonomous impulse has descended upon the PPD during the previous few days. Even the most conservative of PPD members have been calling for the liberalization of Puerto Rico's association with the U.S. The autonomist PROELA is capitalizing on this situation and has supported the Governor while simutaneously calling for PPD members to evaluate the autonomy question (El Nuevo Dia). While I have pushed for autonomy since becoming a member of the PPD, I believe that this is the worst way to go about it. I am being cautious before jumping onto this new autonomous wave, simply because doing so makes it seem as if we are supporting a conservative Governor who is autonomous only when its convenient for him to do so.

I too have had my beef with the presence of the FBI and the federal courts in Puerto Rico, though I am not surprised about these recent events. If the U.S. Government is capable of funding the pro-Navy option in the Vieques referendum, if the federal court had the audacity to cross its jurisdiction and overturn our 2004 elections, and if the FBI could shoot down Filiberto Ojeda Rios on the anniversary of the Grito de Lares then they have the ability to selectively charge the Governor for crimes that we all know he is guilty of. I'm honestly surprised that it has taken the PPD membership so long to get ruffled up over the our relationship with the federales. Meanwhile, the PIP, independentistas, and even autonomists are getting excited this new wave of support. The MINH is one of them (Red Betances).

I repeat: it is obvious that the FBI has been very selective with their investigations. The charges brought up against Anibal can be brought up to any candidate with an elected post in Puerto Rico. Unfortunately, the "system" does not permit for citizens to become official candidates without the backing of large financial donors. And unfortunately, the average Juan del Pueblo does not have the type of income to fund such a campaign. Thus, to run an effective campaign in Puerto Rico one must have the backing of private companies, wealthy individuals, and other influential groups. And we all know that none of these entities are going to back a campaign unless they get something in return.

Though I acknowledge that this investigation has been selective, we all know that Anibal is guilty of the claims. The PPD knows this as well, citing that such charges could have been dealt with via internal administrative measures such as fines, that public funds had nothing to do with the charges, or even acknowledging that everybody else does it.

I'm shocked to hear that some PPD still believe that they can win the election with Anibal. I must point out that Anibal won the 2004 elections with only about 2,000 votes. That margin has been long lost after the expensive suits incident, the hikes in public service costs, and now the federal investigation. Even if Anibal were to retain the bulk of the party's support, even the slightest disgust can make the difference. 2,000 votes is not a lot. (Willie won with a margin 10 times that in his Municipal election.) Not to mention, Rossello was a candidate that would incite hate among potential melones while Fortuño is seen as moderate statehooder. I personally do not see much different between Anibal and Fortuño, except for the fact that Fortuño is much more sharp on the issue of budget management and as a Republican would probably roll back our ill mantengo problem. Myself a PPD, have decided that if Anibal is the candidate that I will vote for the new PPR party. My second option would be to vote a blank ballot and my third, to vote PIP. Fourth, I would rather vote for Fortuño than Anibal if you were to eliminate the other three options. There is nothing that could be done for me to vote for Anibal.

As for my preferred candidate if Anibal were to resign, we all know that my candidate is Willie Miranda Marin. Though Willie is my favorite, I would prefer the other names instead of Anibal - from Garcia Padilla, Rafael Hernandez Colon, to Fas Alzamora (El Vocero), all of whom have traditionally aligned themselves with the autonomist cause.  Willie is a candidate with vision. Willie has the ability to pull in PNP and PIP votes, counteract the PNP platform (while the last two PPD administrations have had no platform at all), and implement the changes needed for this country to function (decentralization, self-sufficiency, and democratization).

Angel Ortiz, former President of PROELA and former pre-candidate for Representative, Carmen Yulin, President of the PPD Women, the Mayor of Guanica, and Representative Charlie Hernandez have called on Puerto Ricans to refrain from partaking in the Democrat's Presidential primary to be held in Puerto Rico in June. Their names are added to my ever growing list of leftist and autonomist PPD. (I actually keep tabs on these things simply to remember who to reward and who to punish when it comes to voting time.)

Puerto Rico Governor Anibal Acevedo Vila had turned himself into authorities yesterday morning and was release with no bail. Though he leads the list of the 13 charged PPD members (see a scan of the original charges here), he was not publically arrested, handcuffed, or charged bail. His associated, on the other hand, were charged $100,000 bail (El Nuevo Dia, 3/28). Obviously, due to his position as Governor, he was not subjected to the embarrassing arrests pictured on our television screens.

I'm surprised to see how the PPD is supporting him so fervently. Most of the chants coming from pro-Acevedo crowds and rally speakers don't declare his innocence, but question the Federal Investigator's jurisdiction's in the case. We all know deep down inside that the charges are true. The Philadelphia Inquirer reported that $180,000 had been raised in the New Jersey and Philadelphia areas by Acevedo's campaign for 2004 Governor (Philadelphia Inquirer 11/18/07). What do New Jersey and Philadelphia businessmen have to do with Acevedo? Even if they might have had blood ties to Puerto Rico or some sort of ideological conviction (a feeling that Acevedo can't stir up), it's universally known that donations of these sorts obviously have their financial intention. Even if those $180,000 were donated in Puerto Rico, I could guarantee you that they were given with the intention to obtain favorable status in future government contracts.

What's annoying is hearing how people will half-heartedly admit that Acevedo has committed such crimes, but say, "if they were to apply the same standards to other U.S. Congressmen, we would see that they are all breaking the law." Others forgive him saying that "the money belongs to the party and private financers, not the public." Very much true; campaign finance reform is something that we have to talk about; but whether or not everybody else is doing it, we all know that he has his hands dirty. There are plenty of PNP that are much worse then Acevedo; the only thing is that Acevedo was caught and the others weren't. Tough shit. We're all used to the failed attempts to divert policemen's attention to speeding passer-byers as he gives you a ticket. PPD have just as much right as Romero Barcelo to file a complaint to the FBI concerning illegal campaign funding.

As I mentioned before, Acevedo Vila is attempting to whip up nationalist support in his defense against the Feds. Party leaders have referred to the Federal Investigators as "foreigners" and have ranted on about the need to revise our relationship with the federal government. Ironically, it's working. Even Ruben Berrios made statements attacking colonialism, and not even touching the subject of whether or not he believes Acevedo Vila is innocent or not (Primera Hora, 3/28).I can see how independentistas can reject these events as signs of selectiveness on behalf of Federal Investigators, but I don't see how they can sympathize with the guy. Acevedo Vila has done little to attack federal institutions even after their interference in the pivazo ordeal, the killing of Filiberto Ojeda, and a wave of FBI harrasment against independentistas. I simply see this as punishment for Acevedo for passivly shrugging his shoulders at past instances of innecesary federal investigations.

Acevedo Vila claims that he is being targeted because he is a Democrat (Miami Herald 3/28) and claimed that the Bush Administration was attempting to assist a Republican defeat him in the upcoming elections (San Juan Star, 3/29). Not only do I have to ask what would be the benefits for the federal government if they were to destroy the career of a Democrat Governor of a non-voting, under-represented colony? Acevedo Vila is probably one of the least progressive characters in the PPD with very few things separating himself from his Republican counterpart. I would also like to point out that in recent years Governors of Connecticut, Ohio, and Illinois have also been subjected to federal investigations, all of which were Republicans.

It was ironic to see Governor Acevedo Vila wandering the streets of Old San Juan after his release in a casual move meant to display the "normalcy" of La Fortaleza. After all the ranting against Americans and the need to rethink our relationship with the federal government, Acevedo Vila walked down the street to buy a cup of coffee at Starbucks. Boy. It would have been a little more consistent of himself to stop at a small panaderia. While this is a tiny detail, it does show that Acevedo's nationalistic ranting is simply a tool of his to assist him in his dilemma.

The PPD has also decided to create a fund for Acevedo Vila's defense (El Nuevo Dia, 3/29). I'm supposing that the only reason Acevedo Vila has yet to resign from his post as Governor and PPD President (common, he has to know that his political career is dead!) is that as a private citizen he would have no party backing to finance his defense. Acevedo's lawyer is infamously expensive, and it's much easier to defend yourself from such a costly process as Governor than private citizen. Acevedo his holding the PPD hostage for his personal defense. I must honestly say that it's embarrassing for me to see my party pay for Acevedo's legal fees.

Let's see what happens in the following days.

Chaos in Puerto Rico. The office, the hallways, and the radio is buzzing with rumors, speculation, and newspaper headlines. The Feds have filed 19 charges against Puerto Rican Governor Anibal Acevedo Vila for corruption and conspiracy against electoral and campaign reporting laws.

Most PPD are making claims of political persecution on behalf of the Federal Investigators, citing the three year long investigation and other irregularities. Yes; I agree. The Feds are obvious biased, for its pretty much well known that the PNP is historically the most corrupt party in modern history. (I would attribute this to their massive initiative to privatize everything, which only facilitated corrupt politicians and businessmen in their doings. If the PPD carried out privatization efforts, they too would have done the same.) I will agree that the Feds have been selective in who they investigate, but the PPD leadership know very well that these charges are true.

It's a universal practice among political parties to reward in one way or another campaign financiers. (Especially campaign supporters who donate to both parties. I don't know how you could ideologically explain that.) We all know that these practices are true, though I do admit that the charges are selective.

I would with the exaggeration of that selectiveness, though. I don't see much reason as to why the feds would have singled out Anibal Acevedo Vila. He's not anti-American at all (in fact he was a U.S. Congressman), he has rarely ever had a progressive position on any issue, and he caters to big business (known here as "the big interests".) He did not adopt any options that could have been interpreted as anti-American even after U.S. courts overturned his 2004 election, after the FBI killed Puerto Rican freedom fighter/terrorist Filiberto Ojeda Rios, and after Feds persecuted the local pro-independence movement. Also, any fool knows that if Anibal steps down, he's going to be replaced by a much more popular, left-wing candidate. All names that have been thrown around so far; former Governor Hernandez Colon, former Director of DACO and current candidate for Senate Garcia Padilla, and Caguas Mayor Willie Miranda Marin are all much more hostile to both big business and the conservative U.S. establishment.

It's difficult to think that they did it to benefit the PNP campaign.  They know for damn sure that either of the above candidates have a better chance at defeating the PNP than Acevedo Vila. Though I agree that these investigations have been highly selective, I would not necessarily say that they have some political motive. The truth is that it would have been more convenient for the PNP for Acevedo Vila to remain in La Fortaleza, knowing well that Fortuño would have been able to defeat him easily.

Caguas Mayor and potential future candidate for Governor Willie Miranda Marin has recently proposed a fascinating course of action towards Puerto Rican autonomy and economic self sufficiency. Miranda Marin proposes the creation of the "Self-Sufficient Puerto Rican Permanent Escrow", an agreement between the U.S. and Puerto Rico where the $6 billion spent on federal funds would be re-channeled towards a block grant for the creation of self-sufficiency projects and programs. The grant would total 20 years worth of federal funds.

Willie states: "Federal tax incentives, of which we counted on to boost our economy, have also attributed to this mental dependency... Puerto Rico would stop receiving these funds like it receives them now... instead of fomenting dependency, these funds would work on fomenting self-sufficiency..."

UPDATE: I found an online copy of Caribbean Business' coverage of Miranda's proposal.

Puerto Rico's monstrous bureaucracy is over-staffed. There are few public officials and citizens that debate this. Though there exists a consensus on the issue, few have suggested any initiatives other than early retirement programs. Nobody has dared to suggest layoff - a word that would quickly incite rebellion among the public sector's well organized unions.

As hard as it is to admit it, downsizing the public work force in one way or another is our only option for a fiscal government. Here are two suggestions as to how to go about doing it:

Paid leave. Lay off the employee but keep him on the pay roll for a few months (three months sounds fine to me.) This gives the person sufficient time to seek alternate employment in the private sector. In order to parallel this with increased economic activity in the private sector (which would directly create new private sector jobs) this action could be paralleled with budget cuts, tax cuts (now possible through budget cuts), or raises for other employees.

Business loans/grants. Upon laying off the employee give him the option to draw down a business loan or grant. This amount could total his year's salary and be taken from the same funds that would have been used to pay his salary. Though the government would have to bite the bullet for a year, the following year they would be with a payroll less. This program could be enhanced with small business training offered by the government's Exportation and Commerce Company.

Transfer. Some agencies are money-generating entities with fiscal autonomy. New for-profit public corporations could be founded and employees from agencies dependent on the state's funding could be transfered. These employees are already trained and would require little adjustment. This would eliminate the need to layoff employees to begin with while decreasing the pressure on taxpayer's pockets.

Hillary Clinton just released her platform for Puerto Rico. (You can read about it in El Nuevo Dia). Though not any better than Obama's plan, here's my critique:

1. I would like to see Puerto Rico excluded from more federal funds. Federal funds are causing more damage than good. $2 billion more would be chaotic and only further fuel our dependency and bureaucracy.
2. Her economic plan is based on subsidies and incentives. I'm against subsidies and incentives. I'm against corporate welfare.
3. Hillary proposes a "territory, yes or no?" referendum. I personally think a "incorporated territory vs. free association" referendum would be more democratic.
4. I don't believe that Puerto Ricans should have the right to vote in U.S. and less in the primaries. I believe in increased sovereignty and autonomy, not further integration into the U.S. political system. A Governor with the right to negotiate trade and establish consulates is worth much more than a few Congressmen.
5. I'm pleased that they are at least consulting Puerto Ricans and that any decision will not be unilateral.
6. Hillary's health plan involves a block grant to the Commonwealth government. This block grant, much like other block grants will simply be rendered inefficient and slow due to Puerto Rico's gangrene bureaucracy. I believe that with a more efficient government, universal healthcare could be implemented with currently available resources.
7. Hillary's health plan also involves subsidies to small business. As mentioned above, I am against subsidies and incentives. Also, these subsidies would go towards contracting private health care providers. The key to universal health is not in private health care plans, but free and high quality hospitals, doctors, and prevention initiatives.
8. I approve of Hillary's plan to pass Vieques lands to Puerto Rico.
9. Hillary proposes to increase the number of police officers through the COPS program. First of all, there are too many police men in Puerto Rico. A small, more efficient, higher paid force would be more effective. Puerto Rico is one of the most policed places in the world, even surpassing Iraq. Second, the COPS program requires an eventual fade out of federal funds, forcing the island and its municipalities to shelve the cost in the long run.